Vietnam’s Evolving Role in US Asia Strategy
From the Vietnam War to the South China Sea, Hanoi’s position has changed dramatically.
By Linh Tong
June 01, 2016
U.S.
President Barack Obama began his three-day visit to Vietnam on May 22.
This visit is believed to have given an edge to Vietnam in the South
China Sea disputes as part of the larger confrontation between the
United States and China. As another article in The Diplomat put it, “Vietnam stands to benefit from the competing interests of the superpowers vying for control of the South China Sea.”
However,
the reality is more complex. It must not be forgotten that Vietnam and
the United States used to be enemies during the infamous Vietnam War.
Only in 1995, 20 years after Vietnam’s independence, were relations
between two nations officially normalized with President Bill Clinton’s
visit to Vietnam. The Vietnam war exerted such significant impacts on
both countries that the recent rapprochement has been phenomenal. The
improvement in relations could only happen because the United States has
developed a new strategy, the so-called “Pivot (or Rebalance) to Asia.”
It is, therefore, important to reassess the position of Vietnam in the United States’ overall strategy in the region.
Vietnam in U.S. Containment Policy
For Washington, the war in Vietnam was seen as the key to prevent the “domino effect” of communism.
This theory speculated that, should one country in a region fall under
the influence of communism, the neighboring countries would subsequently
follow suit, like dominoes toppling one after another. As a result, the
Vietnam War was considered a legitimate intervention by the United
States to prevent the communist takeover of South Vietnam and
subsequently Southeast Asian countries. U.S. involvement in South
Vietnam was part and parcel for the U.S. Cold War containment policy.
Vietnam
was turned into a proxy battlefield, where North Vietnam was supported
by the communist bloc of the Soviet Union and China, and South Vietnam
was supported by the United States. At the time of Vietnam War, Vietnam
was a young independent country, gaining independence in 1945 only to be
interrupted again by the French in 1946, and then having to continue
the war for unification without any break after the Geneva conference in
1954. Vietnam in the 21st century is a politically stable country with
positive economic development. Vietnam is a dedicated member of ASEAN
and has established a wide network of diplomatic and economic relations
around the world. Being geographically next to China, possessing an
organic connection with Chinese and ASEAN economies, and appearing as
one the two strongest claimants of territory in South China Sea, Vietnam
holds a strategic position if the United States has the intention to
contain China.
Thus,
Vietnam has again become a vital element in the new U.S. containment
policy at three levels. At the economic level, Vietnam is included
in the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a macro free trade agreement, which intentionally leaves out China.
At the diplomatic level, Vietnam is important in supporting the
Philippines’ arbitration case against China regarding the disputes in
the South China Sea and for emphasizing the cooperation of ASEAN
countries as a legitimate regional forum. At the level of military
containment, the United States has recently lifted the arms embargo on Vietnam and increased financial support for
Hanoi’s maritime self-development. The fact that Vietnam is the only
country involved in U.S. containment policy at all three levels (the
Philippines, for example, is not included in TPP and Japan is not within
ASEAN or involved in the legal case against China) shows the importance
of Vietnam in the new U.S. containment policy, which is a great
evolution from its unfavorable position during Vietnam War.
From U.S. Enemy to U.S. Strategic Partner
The
first striking evolution of Vietnam’s position in the U.S. containment
policy was the upgrade of Vietnam’s status from being Washington’s enemy
to a strategic partner.
During
the Vietnam War, Vietnam was targeted by the United States as a key to
stop the “domino effect” of communism in Southeast Asia. Vietnam went
through a deadly and destructive war with the Americans to achieve
unification of the country. The country became well-known worldwide for
being able to resist the advanced, high-tech power of the United States,
and thereby completely shook Washington’s foreign policy with the so-called Vietnam syndrome.
However,
in the 21st century, the position has changed dramatically. After the
increasing aggression of Chinese claims in the South China Sea, the U.S.
made a decisive decision to partially lift the arms embargo which had
been imposed on Vietnam since 1984. Furthermore, Vietnam is also
included in Washington’s new Southeast Asia Maritime Security
Initiative, which aims to upgrade the ability of eight ASEAN countries
to manage maritime challenges in the South China Sea.
Most
remarkably, Vietnam is included in the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the
U.S. answer to the Chinese initiative of “One Belt, One Road.” TPP is
considered by some as an obvious attempt by the United States to contain
China, due to the agreement’s deliberate omission of China despite its
important role in trans-Pacific trade. The absence of Philippines in the
list of TPP partners is also noticeable. While the Philippines is
Washington’s close ally in ASEAN, with a defense treaty obligating the
U.S. to protect the Philippines in case of attack, Manila is not
included in TPP – but Hanoi is. This very fact shows that Vietnam is
becoming more essential in the U.S. containment strategy for China.
From Passive Involvement to Active Partnership
Part
of the reason for this change is that Vietnam enjoys a more independent
position in the South China Sea disputes than it had in the Vietnam
War. Back then, Vietnam was a small, newly-independent country, with few
resources to manage the war with a U.S.-supported South Vietnam. The
target of U.S. containment policy at the time was the Soviet Union and
communism.
However,
the United States allied with China to take advantage of the crack in
the communist bloc, changing the structure of U.S.-Soviet-China
relations. In the early 1970s, tension between two big communist states
created the opportunity for the United States to intervene. The
so-called “opening to China” process started after President Richard
Nixon’s trip to China in 1972, greatly improving the diplomatic
relations between the U.S. and China.
At
that point, the United States could negotiate with China, persuading
Beijing to limit support for Vietnam and the Soviet-Vietnam link. In the
first negotiations between the United States and the People’s Republic
of China, the Vietnam War was one of the two important topics discussed,
along the Taiwan question, as Henry Kissinger noted in On China.
Vietnam was turned into a bargaining chip and the triangle of U.S.-China-Vietnam relations became a key in U.S. containment policy.
In that triangle, Vietnam was the most vulnerable. The United States
wanted to take advantage of diplomatic opening with China to quickly
finish the Vietnam War, while China wanted to use Vietnam to bargain and
gain more standing in U.S.-China cooperation against the Soviet Union.
South
Vietnam, or the Republic of Vietnam, was directly supported by the
United States – but despite that close relationship, Washington forbade
the South Vietnam government from bombing the PRC when China took
control of the Paracel Islands in the South China Sea. And China was
ready to reduce support for Vietnam, like it did in the 1970s, if it was
beneficial for U.S.-China relations against the Soviet Union. Vietnam
was stuck in the middle, used as bargaining chips by big powers. Vietnam
at the time had little means to decide its own destiny.
However,
in the South China Sea dispute today, as an independent state, Vietnam
has more space to develop its own position. That is not to say that
Vietnam is completely independent from the influence of the United
States or China. However, Vietnam can to some extent manage the level of
cooperation and relations. For example, after peaking disputes in South
China Sea, the Chinese government always has to follow up with
diplomatic visits and attempts to reconnect relations. Xi Jinping
visited Vietnam in October 2015,
at a very sensitive point in their relationship. Though more symbolic
than substantive, Xi’s visit showed that China did not want Vietnam to
completely drift away from Beijing. On the other hand, Vietnam can also
actively initiate and encourage military and political advances with India, Japan, and the United States to balance the relation with China.
From a Bipolar to a Multipolar World
The way Vietnam perceives itself in international relations, especially in the U.S-China-Vietnam triangle, dramatically affects the
position of Vietnam in U.S. containment policy. In the past, the world
was bipolar. Vietnam chose to be in the communist bloc and subsequently
fell into a proxy war with the United States. There was no middle
ground; Vietnam could not simultaneously ally with the Soviet Union and
the United States.
That power structure has changed. The new world is multipolar.
U.S. hegemony has been undergoing a considerable decline relative to
new emerging powers such as China, Japan, Australia, Germany, India, and
so on. In the new world order, Vietnam has the chance to choose a
variety of alliances and avoid falling into direct confrontation with
either the United States or China.
Undoubtedly,
Vietnam could have chosen to side completely with the United States,
like Japan and the Philippines. However, Vietnam decided to commit to a
more flexible position. Vietnam cautiously avoided a direct
confrontation with China by not following the Philippines in taking
Beijing to court for violations in the South China Sea. Obviously, there
is pressure from China for Vietnam not to join the Philippines’ case,
but Vietnam was also aware that a court case would not work in favor of
its geopolitical position. Vietnam prefers a balance between the United
States and China rather than making straightforward commitments with
either of the two superpowers.
Rather
than totally allying with big powers like Russia, China, or the United
States, Vietnam is simultaneously trying to enhance cooperation with
many countries, such as Russia, Japan, India, and Australia. Many
scholars give ASEAN special attention as Vietnam’s most favored form of
balancing or containing China. While the future cooperation of ASEAN to
speak as one voice on the South China Sea issue remains doubtful, ASEAN
is expected to provide the most legitimate power and commitment for
ensuring conduct in the South China Sea. Such a multi-dimensional
outlook offers Vietnam more space and flexibility to partly form its own
position and while keeping its importance in the U.S. containment
policy centered on the South China Sea dispute.
What Next for Vietnam?
Self-development is the only way for Vietnam to insulate itself from the influence of major powers’ clash.
Vietnam
is a small country stuck in the middle of confrontations by superpowers
— in the past between the United States and USSR, and currently between
the United States and China. Vietnam’s geopolitical position shaped the
fate of the country as relates to U.S. containment policy in both the
Cold War and today’s South China Sea dispute. In the 21st century,
Vietnam has again become an element in U.S. containment against China.
However,
this time around Vietnam has been quite flexible in adjusting its
position in the U.S. containment strategy. Vietnam’s foreign policy on
the South China Sea issue is an example of the evolution of an
independent and pragmatic state. Being China’s neighbor, but with a long
history of fighting against Chinese influence, pushes Vietnam into an
extreme dilemma. On one hand, resisting China is the core of Vietnamese
identity and nationalism; it is almost impossible for Vietnam to submit
to Chinese supremacy and bandwagon with China. The two sides’
cooperation under the communist bloc already marked the best period in
Vietnam-China relations. On the other hand, bordering China does not
leave Vietnam the chance to ignore Chinese power and completely commit
to a strategic partnership with the United States. After the liberation
of 1975, Vietnam has always tried to balance relations between the U.S.
and China, being careful not to anger China by over-intimate dialogues
with the Americans.
Given
the interdependence in the new world order, Vietnam cannot expect any
committed support such as it received from the Soviet Union. The best
position for Vietnam in the U.S. containment policy up till now is to
stay flexible, multilateral, and independent. However, such a strategy
is not sustainable.
Already,
Vietnam is struggling to balance relations with China and the United
States, in addition to being on the verge of losing its claimed
territory in the South China Sea. Developing its economy and improving
Vietnam’s internal situation is the only sustainable method for having a
position in the South China Sea dispute. Otherwise, Vietnam will again
lie at the mercy of the great powers’ game.
Linh Tong is a research assistant at ADA University.