Finland and Sweden Debate NATO
Membership
April 17, 2014.
(KAZIM EBRAHIMKHIL/AFP/Getty Images)
Swedish soldiers with the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force outside Mazar-i-Sharif, Afghanistan.
Summary
The
West's standoff with Russia over Ukraine is triggering debate over the
adequacy of defense spending and cooperation to confront a more
assertive Russia across Europe. In Finland and Sweden, an important
element in this debate is whether the two countries should join NATO.
While the
events in Ukraine strengthen the argument for NATO membership, general
support for the idea is still lacking in both countries -- such a step
would represent a big shift from Finland's and Sweden's strategy of
avoiding too strong a military alignment with the West in order to
prevent any conflict with Russia.
Only if
the crisis in Ukraine persists, and if Russia grows more assertive in
the Baltics, might public opinion in Sweden and Finland shift strongly
enough to make NATO membership likely. Before joining NATO, the two
countries would try to strengthen regional collaboration and bolster
their own national defenses.
Analysis
The
standoff between the West and Russia is increasingly affecting Nordic
Europe. On April 15, the Barents Observer reported that politicians in
Norway are debating whether plans to cooperate with Russia on
hydrocarbons exploration along the countries' shared border should be
put on hold in light of the events in Ukraine. In Finland and Sweden,
the crisis is fueling the debate over eventual NATO membership. Finland
and Sweden are both members of the European Union, and thus have tight
economic and institutional bonds with the West, but both have stayed out
of NATO.
Sweden,
after suffering great territorial losses to Russia in the early 19th
century, has abided by a neutrality policy since the end of the
Napoleonic wars. It maintained that policy at least nominally throughout
the two world wars, though it did provide economic and logistical
assistance to the Germans, the Allies and the Finns in World War II.
Neutrality was meant as a way to minimize the risk of further defeats
comparable to the ones Sweden was dealt in the early 1800s.
Image: The Nordic Countries and Russia
Finland,
the only Nordic eurozone member and a country that shares a long border
with Russia, was once absorbed by the Russian Empire, remaining Russian
territory for more than a century before declaring independence in 1917.
Finland aligned with Germany during World War II to fight the Soviets
but ultimately could not recover the territory it lost during the Winter
War in 1939 and 1940.
These
experiences strongly influenced the Finns' strategy in dealing with
their eastern neighbor. During the Cold War, Finland and the Soviet
Union had an understanding that Moscow would accept Finland's
independence as long as Helsinki abstained from stronger military
integration with the West. Finland, since the breakup of the Soviet
Union, has integrated institutionally with Western Europe and has
procured a growing proportion of its weapons from the West. Much like
Stockholm, Helsinki has established strong ties with NATO through joint
missions and training. Still, unwilling to sour its relationship with
Russia, Finland has abstained from formally joining the military
alliance.
As a
result of the past decades of European integration and collaboration
with NATO -- for example in Afghanistan -- the nonalignment policy in
both countries has been a constant issue of debate and is drawing
renewed attention as a consequence of the tensions with Russia.
Lacking Support
The
Finnish and Swedish political elite has been split over the question of
NATO membership for a long time. Governments, including those run by
parties that advocate NATO membership, have refrained from holding a
referendum on the question due to general public opposition in both
countries to joining the military alliance.
In a poll
carried out in late 2013, about one-third of Swedes supported NATO
membership. In Finland, a poll carried out online of members of the
Finnish Reservists' Association (conscripts who have finished their
military service) in early April indicated that more than 40 percent
would like Finland to join NATO within a few years. According to Finnish
media, this is a 10 percentage point jump from a similar poll conducted
a year ago. The increase was probably strongly influenced by the events
in Ukraine. Polls from the general public give far lower numbers. A
February poll, commissioned before Russia annexed Crimea, showed that
less than 20 percent of Finns favored NATO membership, a percentage
comparable to the levels in 2002, Finnish newspaper Helsingin Sanomat
reported.
A number
of factors explain the middling support for NATO membership in Finland
and Sweden. Russia is Finland's greatest security concern, but it is
also an important economic partner -- one with which Helsinki hopes to
maintain a stable relationship. According to Trade Map, Russia was
Finland's second-largest import and export market in 2013, behind
Sweden. Russia would not likely use its military to keep Finland from
joining NATO, but Moscow would probably implement policies that would
hurt Finland economically. With Europe going through a structural economic crisis and Finland itself caught in the midst of an economic crisis,
keeping good economic ties with Russia is of particular importance.
Sweden would face fewer repercussions than Finland, because it does not
share a border with Russia. Sweden and Finland would likely coordinate
efforts to join NATO, but membership remains unlikely until other
revisions in defense policy have been made.
Debates
over Swedish and Finnish defense policy are gaining more attention
because of the crisis in Ukraine, but NATO membership is just one
element. The core question under debate is whether the Swedish and
Finnish governments should focus more on protecting their own borders
after years of defense spending cuts and foreign engagement. While there
is growing support for higher defense spending, this does not
necessarily translate into greater enthusiasm to join NATO because it is
debatable whether formal accession would add much in terms of national
security.
The
current status of Finland's and Sweden's relationships with NATO allows
both to show their commitment to certain Western allies without having
obligations toward all NATO members. Sweden and Finland, despite their
nonalignment, could also likely count on material assistance from NATO
and European partner countries in case of a military conflict because of
their geographic position. It is difficult to imagine a scenario in
which Sweden or Finland were attacked and the NATO members surrounding
it simply stood by. Seeing security in the Baltic Sea region threatened,
NATO member states would probably be drawn into any such conflict.
Before
formally considering NATO membership, Sweden and Finland will seek
stronger regional defense collaboration. The five Nordic countries --
Finland, Sweden, Norway, Denmark and Iceland -- have a relatively long
history of collaboration since they share similar geopolitical concerns.
In the late 1940s, the Nordic countries considered forming a defense
union, but differences among the countries, the presence of NATO and the
strengthening of the European institutions weakened Nordic
collaboration. However, in recent years, the will for stronger regional
defense collaboration has seen somewhat of a revival through the
establishment of the Nordic Defense Cooperation.
This
collaboration could strengthen, but its growth will depend on how NATO
evolves as a consequence of the current crisis in Ukraine. The
difficulty for Sweden and Finland will be to get the other Nordic
countries to commit to further regional collaboration. Norway, Iceland
and Denmark already are NATO members and hence see less urgency to build
an additional alliance. Such an alliance would be particularly
de-emphasized if the United States made moves to strengthen NATO. Other
regional defense cooperation initiatives, such as the cooperation among the Visegrad states,
are dealing with similar issues -- countries see that NATO's weaknesses
could be corrected through regional cooperation platforms, but the
countries have different national security concerns, slowing efforts to
build alliance mechanisms. Stalling collaboration among the Nordic
countries would perhaps increase the support for NATO membership in
Sweden and Finland.
Moscow is
watching events in Nordic Europe with worry, although the debate over
Finnish and Swedish NATO membership could quickly die down if the crisis
in Ukraine does not escalate further. Russia knows there is a great
risk that the more aggressive it is in its periphery, the more a
rationale will exist for stronger U.S. military involvement in Eastern
Europe, or for a strengthening of military alliances among European
countries.